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At the Somair mine, operated by French nuclear power group Areva, a truck with explosives blew up at the gates, killing two assailants, Labo said. At least 14 civilians were wounded, Mahamadou said.

Areva said the injured included at least 13 workers.

MUJAO spokesman Abu Walid Sahraoui said the group “attacked France and Niger for its cooperation with France in the war against Sharia,” BFMTV reported Thursday.

France deployed about 4,000 troops to Mali, the country directly to Niger’s west, in January to drive out Islamist militants — including MUJAO members — who had attempted to take control of the country.

Islamic extremists with links to al Qaeda carved out a large portion of northern Mali last year, taking advantage of a chaotic situation after a military coup in March 2012. France took military action this year after the militants began to push into the southern portion of the country.

MUJAO is a splinter group of Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, according to the United Nations.

France strongly condemned Thursday’s attacks, the French foreign ministry said. French Foreign Minister Laurent Fabius spoke with his Nigerien counterpart and expressed France’s solidarity with Nigerien authorities in the fight against terrorist groups, the ministry said.

Niger, a former colony of France, gained independence in 1960.

Journalist Ibbo Daddy Abdoulaye reported from Niamey, Niger. CNN’s Jason Hanna and Pierre Meilhan reported and wrote from Atlanta. CNN’s Amir Ahmed also contributed to this report.

Article source: http://rss.cnn.com/~r/rss/edition_world/~3/Ue9ccUt_sN8/index.html

At the Somair mine, operated by French nuclear power group Areva, a truck with explosives blew up at the gates, killing two assailants, Labo said. At least 14 civilians were wounded, Mahamadou said.

Areva said the injured included at least 13 workers.

MUJAO spokesman Abu Walid Sahraoui said the group “attacked France and Niger for its cooperation with France in the war against Sharia,” BFMTV reported Thursday.

France deployed about 4,000 troops to Mali, the country directly to Niger’s west, in January to drive out Islamist militants — including MUJAO members — who had attempted to take control of the country.

Islamic extremists with links to al Qaeda carved out a large portion of northern Mali last year, taking advantage of a chaotic situation after a military coup in March 2012. France took military action this year after the militants began to push into the southern portion of the country.

MUJAO is a splinter group of Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, according to the United Nations.

France strongly condemned Thursday’s attacks, the French foreign ministry said. French Foreign Minister Laurent Fabius spoke with his Nigerien counterpart and expressed France’s solidarity with Nigerien authorities in the fight against terrorist groups, the ministry said.

Niger, a former colony of France, gained independence in 1960.

Journalist Ibbo Daddy Abdoulaye reported from Niamey, Niger. CNN’s Jason Hanna and Pierre Meilhan reported and wrote from Atlanta. CNN’s Amir Ahmed also contributed to this report.

Article source: http://rss.cnn.com/~r/rss/edition_world/~3/Ue9ccUt_sN8/index.html

The problems started when the ex-wife of Nelson Mandela, the country’s first black president and an international icon, registered her great niece, Nobantu Vutela, as a boarding student at Abbotts College in Northcliff, Johannesburg, according to court papers filed in 2008.

The accommodation fees for the year were 40,000 South African rand — the equivalent of about $4,000 today. Winnie Mandela, 76, who earns an annual salary of around $90,000, as a member of parliament, was given six months to pay the full amount. It’s unclear why she and not the girl’s own parents enrolled her into the private school.

Despite the documents stipulating that R10,000 ($1000) be paid up front, lawyers representing the school say Mrs Mandela never paid a cent. They started instituting proceedings against her in October 2008. The case dragged on for five years. A lawyer acting on behalf of the school told CNN Mrs Mandela made her first payment last year but that she still owes nearly $5,000 with interest included. Mrs Mandela’s lawyer is disputing the interest amount.

With dozens of journalists surrounding him, not a single bidder in sight, and Mrs Mandela’s bodyguards stationed on the other side of the wall, Sheriff Maluleke knocked in vain. People could be seen moving around inside and outside the house, but nobody came out to let the sheriff in. At one point a car sped out of the premises using a side entrance. It is unclear who was in the car.

Maluleke was instructed by lawyers to get a locksmith and force his way into Mandela’s house, but he was understandably reluctant. At one point a spectator shouted, “Why don’t you climb over the wall?” The sheriff’s irritated retort: “And get shot at?”

The tense standoff lasted for about two hours. Maluleke left Winnie Mandela’s property empty-handed and dejected. He later admitted that the task he was expected to carry out was a difficult one. “Is it because she is the mother of the nation?” he was asked. “Exactly,” he responded.

Read this: How South Africa avoided ‘bloody racial war’

Commentators say Winnie Mandela has become increasingly isolated, not only by her political family, the ruling African National Congress, but seemingly by her biological family as well.

“Internal tensions within the family could have played a role in no one coming to Mrs Mandela’s aid,” political analyst Somadoda Fikeni told CNN. “The family is fragmented and recent squabbles over money have further emphasized these divisions.”

Two of Nelson Mandela’s daughters — Makaziwe Mandela and Zenani Dlamini — are currently embroiled in a legal battle over the former political prisoner’s money. They have filed court papers in an attempt to remove Mandela’s longtime lawyer and friend, 84-year-old George Bizos, and others as directors of companies owned by the Mandela Trust.

The children’s legal battle over their iconic father’s monies has come under heavy criticism in South Africa. Bizos told local media the lawsuit is “a ploy to resuscitate the sale of Mandela’s artworks” whose proceeds go to the companies at the center of the dispute.

Andrew Mlangeni, who was incarcerated on Robben Island with Mr Mandela, told CNN: “This is a matter that should have been resolved internally within the family.”

Makaziwe recently rebutted accusations that her intentions are motivated by greed, telling the New York Times: “This issue that we are greedy, that we are wanting this money before my dad passes away is all nonsense.”

The feud over Nelson Mandela’s millions and now the threat of an auction at his former wife’s residence underscore the contradictions and complexities in what many consider South Africa’s political “royal family.”

Read this: Big brands target South Africa’s middle class

This is by no means Winnie Mandela’s first brush with the law, although for years many saw her as untouchable.

The former freedom fighter was implicated in the 1980s murder of 14-year-old anti-apartheid activist Stompie Seipei. Her then-husband, Nelson Mandela, stood by her, despite a mountain of damning evidence. In 1991 she was convicted of kidnapping Seipei and for being an accessory to assault, but her six-year jail term was reduced on appeal to a fine and a suspended sentence.

In 2003 Mrs Mandela was convicted for theft and fraud in connection with an elaborate bank loan scheme where the ANC party letterhead was used to obtain loans for bogus employees including her youngest daughter Zinzi. The conviction carried a jail term, but that sentence too was suspended.

A few months ago police confirmed that they have reopened the murder case of two more former freedom fighters, allegedly last seen at her house more than 20 years ago. Their bodies were exhumed in March.

Two of her grandchildren, Zaziwe and Swati Dlamini have recently launched a reality show in the U.S. called “Being Mandela.” They also have a clothing line named “Long Walk to Freedom” after their grandfather’s autobiography. Their mother Zenani Dlamini, Winnie’s eldest daughter, is South Africa’s ambassador to Argentina.

Despite the family’s many ventures and connections, Winnie’s lawyer says money isn’t always readily available.

Winnie Mandela has often courted controversy, but she is still adored by many in South Africa.

She endured years of torture, torment, banishment and imprisonment by the apartheid regime while fighting resolutely for racial equality in the country.

And despite her legal and financial troubles over the years, very few South Africans are celebrating her downfall. Many of them took to Twitter to express their solidarity. “We cannot forget Winnie Mandela who stood tall for three decades” wrote one person.

Article source: http://rss.cnn.com/~r/rss/edition_world/~3/FnfcWA7m3fI/index.html

The problems started when the ex-wife of Nelson Mandela, the country’s first black president and an international icon, registered her great niece, Nobantu Vutela, as a boarding student at Abbotts College in Northcliff, Johannesburg, according to court papers filed in 2008.

The accommodation fees for the year were 40,000 South African rand — the equivalent of about $4,000 today. Winnie Mandela, 76, who earns an annual salary of around $90,000, as a member of parliament, was given six months to pay the full amount. It’s unclear why she and not the girl’s own parents enrolled her into the private school.

Despite the documents stipulating that R10,000 ($1000) be paid up front, lawyers representing the school say Mrs Mandela never paid a cent. They started instituting proceedings against her in October 2008. The case dragged on for five years. A lawyer acting on behalf of the school told CNN Mrs Mandela made her first payment last year but that she still owes nearly $5,000 with interest included. Mrs Mandela’s lawyer is disputing the interest amount.

With dozens of journalists surrounding him, not a single bidder in sight, and Mrs Mandela’s bodyguards stationed on the other side of the wall, Sheriff Maluleke knocked in vain. People could be seen moving around inside and outside the house, but nobody came out to let the sheriff in. At one point a car sped out of the premises using a side entrance. It is unclear who was in the car.

Maluleke was instructed by lawyers to get a locksmith and force his way into Mandela’s house, but he was understandably reluctant. At one point a spectator shouted, “Why don’t you climb over the wall?” The sheriff’s irritated retort: “And get shot at?”

The tense standoff lasted for about two hours. Maluleke left Winnie Mandela’s property empty-handed and dejected. He later admitted that the task he was expected to carry out was a difficult one. “Is it because she is the mother of the nation?” he was asked. “Exactly,” he responded.

Read this: How South Africa avoided ‘bloody racial war’

Commentators say Winnie Mandela has become increasingly isolated, not only by her political family, the ruling African National Congress, but seemingly by her biological family as well.

“Internal tensions within the family could have played a role in no one coming to Mrs Mandela’s aid,” political analyst Somadoda Fikeni told CNN. “The family is fragmented and recent squabbles over money have further emphasized these divisions.”

Two of Nelson Mandela’s daughters — Makaziwe Mandela and Zenani Dlamini — are currently embroiled in a legal battle over the former political prisoner’s money. They have filed court papers in an attempt to remove Mandela’s longtime lawyer and friend, 84-year-old George Bizos, and others as directors of companies owned by the Mandela Trust.

The children’s legal battle over their iconic father’s monies has come under heavy criticism in South Africa. Bizos told local media the lawsuit is “a ploy to resuscitate the sale of Mandela’s artworks” whose proceeds go to the companies at the center of the dispute.

Andrew Mlangeni, who was incarcerated on Robben Island with Mr Mandela, told CNN: “This is a matter that should have been resolved internally within the family.”

Makaziwe recently rebutted accusations that her intentions are motivated by greed, telling the New York Times: “This issue that we are greedy, that we are wanting this money before my dad passes away is all nonsense.”

The feud over Nelson Mandela’s millions and now the threat of an auction at his former wife’s residence underscore the contradictions and complexities in what many consider South Africa’s political “royal family.”

Read this: Big brands target South Africa’s middle class

This is by no means Winnie Mandela’s first brush with the law, although for years many saw her as untouchable.

The former freedom fighter was implicated in the 1980s murder of 14-year-old anti-apartheid activist Stompie Seipei. Her then-husband, Nelson Mandela, stood by her, despite a mountain of damning evidence. In 1991 she was convicted of kidnapping Seipei and for being an accessory to assault, but her six-year jail term was reduced on appeal to a fine and a suspended sentence.

In 2003 Mrs Mandela was convicted for theft and fraud in connection with an elaborate bank loan scheme where the ANC party letterhead was used to obtain loans for bogus employees including her youngest daughter Zinzi. The conviction carried a jail term, but that sentence too was suspended.

A few months ago police confirmed that they have reopened the murder case of two more former freedom fighters, allegedly last seen at her house more than 20 years ago. Their bodies were exhumed in March.

Two of her grandchildren, Zaziwe and Swati Dlamini have recently launched a reality show in the U.S. called “Being Mandela.” They also have a clothing line named “Long Walk to Freedom” after their grandfather’s autobiography. Their mother Zenani Dlamini, Winnie’s eldest daughter, is South Africa’s ambassador to Argentina.

Despite the family’s many ventures and connections, Winnie’s lawyer says money isn’t always readily available.

Winnie Mandela has often courted controversy, but she is still adored by many in South Africa.

She endured years of torture, torment, banishment and imprisonment by the apartheid regime while fighting resolutely for racial equality in the country.

And despite her legal and financial troubles over the years, very few South Africans are celebrating her downfall. Many of them took to Twitter to express their solidarity. “We cannot forget Winnie Mandela who stood tall for three decades” wrote one person.

Article source: http://rss.cnn.com/~r/rss/edition_world/~3/FnfcWA7m3fI/index.html

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Firemen extinguish a blaze at a nursery school in the Stockholm suburb of Kista after riots in Sweden early Friday, May 24. Early media reports said the riots, which started Sunday, might have been triggered by police killing a 69-year-old man wielding a machete. But police say they are unsure of the cause.

Firemen extinguish a burning car parked in an indoor garage in the Stockholm suburb of Tureberg on May 24.

A man examines the debris around a row of burnt cars in the Stockholm suburb of Rinkeby on Thursday, May 23.

Firemen extinguish a burning car in Rinkeby outside of Stockholm on May 23.

People attend a demonstration against police violence and vandalism in the Stockholm suburb of Husby on Wednesday, May 22.

An injured man rests on a street bench after a stone hit his head during a demonstration in Husby on May 22.

Firemen extinguish a burning car in Kista on Tuesday, May 21.

Police officers secure an apartment building after overnight riots in Husby on Monday, May 20. The building had to be evacuated after a fire spread inside the parking garage.

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Editor’s note: Are you there? Send us your photos and videos, but please stay safe.

(CNN) — Police in the Swedish capital, Stockholm, have called in reinforcements after the city’s suburbs were hit by a fifth night of riots.

Gangs set fire to two schools and a police station in the city on Thursday, police spokesman Kjell Lindgren told CNN.

About 30 cars were also torched, with the blaze from one vehicle spreading to a nearby shop.

“Police and firemen were also attacked again with rocks overnight, but no one was severely hurt,” Lindgren said. “The level of violence has decreased,” he added, “but the problem remains.”

Article source: http://rss.cnn.com/~r/rss/edition_world/~3/x6kZVn7TnKU/index.html

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Firemen extinguish a blaze at a nursery school in the Stockholm suburb of Kista after riots in Sweden early Friday, May 24. Early media reports said the riots, which started Sunday, might have been triggered by police killing a 69-year-old man wielding a machete. But police say they are unsure of the cause.

Firemen extinguish a burning car parked in an indoor garage in the Stockholm suburb of Tureberg on May 24.

A man examines the debris around a row of burnt cars in the Stockholm suburb of Rinkeby on Thursday, May 23.

Firemen extinguish a burning car in Rinkeby outside of Stockholm on May 23.

People attend a demonstration against police violence and vandalism in the Stockholm suburb of Husby on Wednesday, May 22.

An injured man rests on a street bench after a stone hit his head during a demonstration in Husby on May 22.

Firemen extinguish a burning car in Kista on Tuesday, May 21.

Police officers secure an apartment building after overnight riots in Husby on Monday, May 20. The building had to be evacuated after a fire spread inside the parking garage.

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

Editor’s note: Are you there? Send us your photos and videos, but please stay safe.

(CNN) — Police in the Swedish capital, Stockholm, have called in reinforcements after the city’s suburbs were hit by a fifth night of riots.

Gangs set fire to two schools and a police station in the city on Thursday, police spokesman Kjell Lindgren told CNN.

About 30 cars were also torched, with the blaze from one vehicle spreading to a nearby shop.

“Police and firemen were also attacked again with rocks overnight, but no one was severely hurt,” Lindgren said. “The level of violence has decreased,” he added, “but the problem remains.”

Article source: http://rss.cnn.com/~r/rss/edition_world/~3/x6kZVn7TnKU/index.html

Editor’s note: ‘Funmi Olonisakin is the founding director of the African Leadership Centre, and director of the Conflict, Security and Development Group, at King’s College London.

(CNN) — President Goodluck Jonathan’s response to the Boko Haram insurgency, including his recently declared state of emergency in three northern Nigerian states, is eerily reminiscent of previous approaches to sectarian violence in that region.

The Maitatsine uprising of 1980 is perhaps the single most important precedent-setting example. In December 1980, the confrontation between the Al-Masifu Islamic sect — which advocated purity in the practice of Islam — and the people of Kano came to a head. The Nigerian army and air force mounted a campaign against the sect. In the end, more than 4,000 people were dead with double this number injured alongside massive destruction of property.

Times have certainly changed. Nigeria’s population has doubled since the Maitatsine uprising. Nigeria continues to experience the “youth bulge” — a growing youth population — that was not planned for. The resulting pressure on socio-economic systems is evident in limited education and health and dwindling economic opportunities for young people.

Poor policies and bad planning have produced youth vulnerability and exclusion from mainstream life. This is doubly so in northern Nigeria, where class divides have further created a community of people with nothing to lose.

Read this: Nigerians ask, are we at war?

The global environment has also changed amid growing transnational threats. Al Qaeda continues to lurk in the neighborhood. Excluded groups in the region with affinity for Boko Haram are potential support networks amid an ever-rising flow of illicit weapons into the region.

One thing has hardly changed: elite behavior. Nigeria’s power elite remains far removed from the realities of life experienced by ordinary citizens.

It is no wonder Boko Haram has treated the offer of amnesty by the Jonathan-led government with disdain. For one, it may be worth holding out for a greater prize, knowing that it probably has this regime by the jugular. Besides, how could it trust that the offer of amnesty — which will unveil Boko Haram — is not a ploy by the regime to round them up and execute them? The allegedly extra-judicial killing of the sect’s late leader, Mohammed Yusuf, serves as a constant warning.

Watch this: Who are Boko Haram?

Perhaps more importantly, this military solution and current state of emergency is potentially damaging for the military. The Nigerian military only recently managed to repair its image, winning accolades abroad for its peacekeeping role. Asking it to employ maximum force in internal operations — causing casualties in the process among the very people it is meant to protect — has repercussions. Surely, this will diminish its stature abroad and reduce citizens’ confidence in the military at home, while drawing more support to Boko Haram and weakening troops’ morale.

That said, it is also the case that Nigerians far removed from the locus of the crisis may not see the military’s role in such negative terms.

This crisis will potentially deepen religious and regional cleavages. Perhaps the country’s saving grace is that for the time being, Nigeria’s youth population mostly buys into these divides. They do not yet have a common narrative about who their “real enemy” is. Barring a small number of states, where genuine effort is being made to confront serious governance deficits, the picture of elite marginalization and widening inequality is consistent countrywide.

A lasting solution to the crisis in northern Nigeria might lie in a missing trinity: a meaningful but powerful narrative to counter Boko Haram’s narrative; an action plan akin to a “Marshal Plan” for northern Nigeria; and isolation of what Jonathan has described as Boko Haram sympathizers in the government and security forces.

Developing a powerful counter narrative will demand a measure of sincerity and consistency among the country’s ruling elite. Such a narrative must stand up to the seeming lure of Boko Haram and have the ability to hold a young population captive for the foreseeable future.

An action plan akin to a Marshal Plan for northern Nigeria must be developed to suit the context. The federal government’s investment in regeneration of northern Nigeria, with a focus on youth sensitization, education and development of social and economic entrepreneurship, will be key. This might entail deliberate forms of youth cantonment, census-based planning, community-based programs, and innovative education schemes to kick start regeneration.

To be sure, an action plan for northern Nigeria will not be sustainable in an environment where youth exclusion is a countrywide problem even if it is more chronic in the north. Expressed intention to do this nationally in due course might persuade a captive youth audience.

The question remains as to whether alleged Boko Haram sympathizers among the elite can be dislodged from this process. This might be the single most important obstacle in a situation where retaining political power in 2015 seems more valuable to the regime than the welfare of a few million disposable citizens.

In the immediate term, we can expect the Nigerian military to record successes against the Boko Haram sect. But the victory will be hollow. Without the trinity of measures earlier described, Jonathan’s government risks sacrificing the ordinary people of northern Nigeria, the military’s reputation, and innocent bloodshed.

The opinions expressed in this commentary are solely those of ‘Funmi Olonisakin.

Article source: http://rss.cnn.com/~r/rss/edition_world/~3/vh8hcSk_mSQ/index.html

Editor’s note: ‘Funmi Olonisakin is the founding director of the African Leadership Centre, and director of the Conflict, Security and Development Group, at King’s College London.

(CNN) — President Goodluck Jonathan’s response to the Boko Haram insurgency, including his recently declared state of emergency in three northern Nigerian states, is eerily reminiscent of previous approaches to sectarian violence in that region.

The Maitatsine uprising of 1980 is perhaps the single most important precedent-setting example. In December 1980, the confrontation between the Al-Masifu Islamic sect — which advocated purity in the practice of Islam — and the people of Kano came to a head. The Nigerian army and air force mounted a campaign against the sect. In the end, more than 4,000 people were dead with double this number injured alongside massive destruction of property.

Times have certainly changed. Nigeria’s population has doubled since the Maitatsine uprising. Nigeria continues to experience the “youth bulge” — a growing youth population — that was not planned for. The resulting pressure on socio-economic systems is evident in limited education and health and dwindling economic opportunities for young people.

Poor policies and bad planning have produced youth vulnerability and exclusion from mainstream life. This is doubly so in northern Nigeria, where class divides have further created a community of people with nothing to lose.

Read this: Nigerians ask, are we at war?

The global environment has also changed amid growing transnational threats. Al Qaeda continues to lurk in the neighborhood. Excluded groups in the region with affinity for Boko Haram are potential support networks amid an ever-rising flow of illicit weapons into the region.

One thing has hardly changed: elite behavior. Nigeria’s power elite remains far removed from the realities of life experienced by ordinary citizens.

It is no wonder Boko Haram has treated the offer of amnesty by the Jonathan-led government with disdain. For one, it may be worth holding out for a greater prize, knowing that it probably has this regime by the jugular. Besides, how could it trust that the offer of amnesty — which will unveil Boko Haram — is not a ploy by the regime to round them up and execute them? The allegedly extra-judicial killing of the sect’s late leader, Mohammed Yusuf, serves as a constant warning.

Watch this: Who are Boko Haram?

Perhaps more importantly, this military solution and current state of emergency is potentially damaging for the military. The Nigerian military only recently managed to repair its image, winning accolades abroad for its peacekeeping role. Asking it to employ maximum force in internal operations — causing casualties in the process among the very people it is meant to protect — has repercussions. Surely, this will diminish its stature abroad and reduce citizens’ confidence in the military at home, while drawing more support to Boko Haram and weakening troops’ morale.

That said, it is also the case that Nigerians far removed from the locus of the crisis may not see the military’s role in such negative terms.

This crisis will potentially deepen religious and regional cleavages. Perhaps the country’s saving grace is that for the time being, Nigeria’s youth population mostly buys into these divides. They do not yet have a common narrative about who their “real enemy” is. Barring a small number of states, where genuine effort is being made to confront serious governance deficits, the picture of elite marginalization and widening inequality is consistent countrywide.

A lasting solution to the crisis in northern Nigeria might lie in a missing trinity: a meaningful but powerful narrative to counter Boko Haram’s narrative; an action plan akin to a “Marshal Plan” for northern Nigeria; and isolation of what Jonathan has described as Boko Haram sympathizers in the government and security forces.

Developing a powerful counter narrative will demand a measure of sincerity and consistency among the country’s ruling elite. Such a narrative must stand up to the seeming lure of Boko Haram and have the ability to hold a young population captive for the foreseeable future.

An action plan akin to a Marshal Plan for northern Nigeria must be developed to suit the context. The federal government’s investment in regeneration of northern Nigeria, with a focus on youth sensitization, education and development of social and economic entrepreneurship, will be key. This might entail deliberate forms of youth cantonment, census-based planning, community-based programs, and innovative education schemes to kick start regeneration.

To be sure, an action plan for northern Nigeria will not be sustainable in an environment where youth exclusion is a countrywide problem even if it is more chronic in the north. Expressed intention to do this nationally in due course might persuade a captive youth audience.

The question remains as to whether alleged Boko Haram sympathizers among the elite can be dislodged from this process. This might be the single most important obstacle in a situation where retaining political power in 2015 seems more valuable to the regime than the welfare of a few million disposable citizens.

In the immediate term, we can expect the Nigerian military to record successes against the Boko Haram sect. But the victory will be hollow. Without the trinity of measures earlier described, Jonathan’s government risks sacrificing the ordinary people of northern Nigeria, the military’s reputation, and innocent bloodshed.

The opinions expressed in this commentary are solely those of ‘Funmi Olonisakin.

Article source: http://rss.cnn.com/~r/rss/edition_world/~3/vh8hcSk_mSQ/index.html

Editor’s note: Are you there? Share your photos and videos.

London (CNN) — Police arrested two men Friday on suspicion of endangering an aircraft after a flight from Pakistan to the United Kingdom was diverted to Stansted Airport, outside of London.

A UK fighter jet was scrambled to escort Pakistan International Airlines Flight PK709 from Lahore as it was diverted from northwestern England’s Manchester Airport to Stansted.

Essex Police, who cover the area near Stansted airport, said officers had arrested the men and removed them from the plane, which had 297 passengers aboard.

Police declined to release the identities of the two men, saying only they are British nationals ages 30 and 41.

Police said the incident is being treated as a criminal offense, and did not mention a terrorism angle.

Wajid Hasan, Pakistan’s High Commissioner to the United Kingdom, told CNN that the two passengers “got into an altercation with air stewardesses and threatened to blow up the plane.”

The air stewardesses contacted the pilot, who contacted UK air traffic control authorities, who then scrambled the fighter jets, he said.

Article source: http://rss.cnn.com/~r/rss/edition_world/~3/p4IABkfRXIw/index.html

Editor’s note: Are you there? Share your photos and videos.

London (CNN) — Police arrested two men Friday on suspicion of endangering an aircraft after a flight from Pakistan to the United Kingdom was diverted to Stansted Airport, outside of London.

A UK fighter jet was scrambled to escort Pakistan International Airlines Flight PK709 from Lahore as it was diverted from northwestern England’s Manchester Airport to Stansted.

Essex Police, who cover the area near Stansted airport, said officers had arrested the men and removed them from the plane, which had 297 passengers aboard.

Police declined to release the identities of the two men, saying only they are British nationals ages 30 and 41.

Police said the incident is being treated as a criminal offense, and did not mention a terrorism angle.

Wajid Hasan, Pakistan’s High Commissioner to the United Kingdom, told CNN that the two passengers “got into an altercation with air stewardesses and threatened to blow up the plane.”

The air stewardesses contacted the pilot, who contacted UK air traffic control authorities, who then scrambled the fighter jets, he said.

Article source: http://rss.cnn.com/~r/rss/edition_world/~3/p4IABkfRXIw/index.html